Prof. Hope O’Rukevbe Eghagha
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The news of the death of a young lady, Ms. Mary Habila, a 26-year-old nurse/physiotherapist, in the country home of former Ebonyi State governor and incumbent Minister of Works, David Umahi, was a bomb on social media. What a stir it caused. A stir? No. An uproar. Ninety-nine percent of commentators came down hard on the beleaguered Minister.
Nigerians distrust all public officers. It is often a case of them and us! This was quite evident from the pungent reactions of social media activists. As far as they are concerned, all public office holders are thieves, liars, cheats, scoundrels, and oppressors. It doesn’t matter that some benefit directly or indirectly from these lootings. Scream loud they must once the least opportunity offers itself.
Even before the facts were established, or without establishing the facts the people had already judged and found the Minister complicit in the mysterious death of Citizen Mary. Some called for his resignation. Some implied a ritual must have taken place. Others called for his arrest. Whatever one’s position, the incident and its after math raised a lot of questions.
Any man whose female visitor dies in his house is in big trouble. Especially in Nigeria. Ritual murder? Sex escapade gone bad? It is only God that can completely exonerate the man from guilt. Even if a court of law finds the man not guilty, there are some diehards who would stick to the murder-complicit angle of the matter. So, I pity the poor minister. In the court of public opinion, he is guilty as charged, even when there is no hard evidence.
Already, a civil society organization the Kwechiri Unity Forum has filed a suit against Mr. Umahi. Their prayers to the court are telling. Aside from the IGP, they also added the Ebonyi State Police Commissioner, the Attorney General of the federation, and Tanko Habila, father of Ms. Habila as defendants. The group has asked the court to order the IGP and the Nigeria Police to investigate the death of Ms. Habila by conducting an autopsy. They want the court to declare that ‘public authorities have a duty to protect evidence that may aid an investigation into unexplained deaths. They also prayed the court to ‘grant an interim injunction, restraining the respondents from releasing, burying, interring, cremating or otherwise disposing of the body of the late Mary Habila pending the hearing and determination of the substantive suit.
What is the standard procedure when death occurs in controversial circumstances? What should be police response? Did Umahi report the matter to the police? Did Mary suffer from nose-bleeding usually? How did the minister discover that she complained about nose bleeding? Why did he touch her phone? Should the host be invited for interrogation? Arrested? If the death had occurred in the house of an average Nigerian, would the police take the same posture? Does the father of Mary have the right to rule out autopsy if the state says that the truth must be established? What should be the position of the government? What happens if the man dies in his house while entertaining a woman? Would she be allowed to go scot free? Was the late Abacha’s last female guest before he left this world arrested? Why has the state not insisted on an autopsy? Questions. Many questions.
If I were President, the question would be why David Umahi again? With another woman? This would certainly come to my mind. Recall that a lady fought rough and dirty with Umahi over unpaid claims and accused him of sexual harassment. That encounter left the image of Umahi bruised, battered, and dented. Fortunately, the matter was managed outside public glare. This time, it involves life and death! What exactly is going on?
There was this young man I knew in my undergraduate years whose girlfriend always visited and stayed over. He lived in the outer compound of an uncle of mine. Fast forward to two years later. I asked after him and I was told he was detained by the police. The lady moved on after a clash. He also moved on. Months later, she died while procuring an abortion. The boyfriend had a hard time convincing the police that he had no hand in the matter!
The sad case of Justice Donald Ikomi also came to my mind. Justice Ikomi was a highly respected judge in the old Bendel State. On July 5th 1985 the body of a policeman attached to the judge was found in the home of the judge. It was the resident cook that found the mutilated body of the policeman and reported to the judge. Police investigations confirmed that the man died of strangulation. His scrotum was missing from the body. Justice Ikomi, the cook and a third man were charged for murder. How they hastily concluded that the judge carried out a ritual killing of a policeman attached to guard him is befuddling. In November, the federal government sacked Justice Ikomi from the bench in order to ‘uphold the dignity of the judiciary! After delay over jurisdiction, the trial started and slated to last for ten days. The prosecutors tendered 40 exhibits and called 19 witnesses to testify. Justice Ikomi and the other accused persons testified in their own defence. Over fifty lawyers led by the then doyen of the bar Chief Rotimi Williams (SAN) appeared in defence of Justice Ikomi. In the end, the judge ruled that there was not enough evidence to convict the accused persons. Justice Ikomi was discharged and acquitted. The general belief was that Justice Ikomi was set up because he refused to compromise his stance in the trial of a robber Kingsley Eweka of the Bini royal family.
In the experiences which I have recalled, the accused were arrested, while investigation was ongoing. So, that Umahi was not questioned by the police shows favoritism. If the man involved were from the opposition, he would be in real soup. Nobody is above the law.
It is in Umahi’s interest for the matter to be properly examined, investigated, and settled. The state should overrule Mary’s father on the autopsy. The state has the power to do so. For the public good and for transparency, the cause of death should be scientifically established.
Generalist-Professional Controversy In Civil Service: Reform Options
Opinion
In this piece, I want to pay critical attention to the reform significance of the relationship between what has been called the “cult of the generalists,” on the one hand, and the necessity for more of a cadre of specialist or professionals given the imperative demand of the knowledge age, on the other. This discourse might appear academic at first glance. However, we immediately grasp its significance when we understand that a civil service system that must anticipate the challenges of the future needs to adequately articulate a governance, strategic and operational managerial framework that has the capability of preparing the civil service for such a future. How does this distinction affect the way we think about development on the continent? It does because it is intimately connected with the evolving nature of work, and how work mediates the significance and urgency of national productivity. The nature of work in the twenty-first century has changed drastically. Work is no longer place-based and full-time/lifetime vocation. It is now more remote-based, and attended by all sorts of dynamics.
This therefore brings to the fore the imperative of connecting this changing workplace with the traditional understanding of the public service in public administration studies. How a public service performs, therefore, has a lot to do with how the business model of the public service is organized and connected with the developmental framework of the state.
When the Northcote-Trevelyan Report of 1854 was submitted, as part of the reform effort to transform the operational basis of the British Civil Service, it was founded on one of four significant premises: “Entrants should not be recruited for life into a specific department but would enter a Home Civil Service that would facilitate inter-departmental staff transfers. Civil servants, therefore, would need to have had a general education and to be generalist rather than specialist in their knowledge and experience.”
One critical implication of this development is the emergence of the cadre system which served as the basis for the establishment of a generalist class—administrative, executive and clerical—as the top administrative echelon of the civil service system in a descending hierarchical order of responsibilities and qualifications. This elite administrative echelon was solely responsible for policy initiation and implementation.
In its Nigerian incarnation, the Administrative Staff College of Nigeria (ASCON) offers three streams of general management courses, for professionals and administrators, that appeal to the lower, middle and top management cadres. These courses are “general” in the sense that they have nothing to do with the specialized training that participants and officers have as professionals before attending. The assumption behind the general management courses is that while an officer could remain a specialist until she gets to GL 14, advancing to the top management position requires taking on more general management responsibilities that demand more multidimensional financial, human and managerial imperatives. Thus, whether a generalist-administrator or core professional, becoming a top management officer is a status that leans more to general management, and is preparatory to becoming a permanent secretary—a position that makes the officer simultaneously a chief administrative officer, chief policy adviser and chief accounting officer.
The relationship between the cult of generalists that the Nigerian civil service system inherited from the British and the necessity of specialized and professional competence is one significant tension that the system has to contend with in terms of institutional reform.
The colonial structure of the civil service was first addressed by the Gorsuch Commission of 1956 which recommended the creation of a cadre division of civil service personnel corresponding to general education standard of the period. The four divisions were: sub-clerical and sub-technical; clerical and technical; executive and higher technical; and administrative and professional. Each of these divisions was further divided into cadres. The professional class contained cadres like engineering, education, law, accountants, medical, etc. On the other hand, the contribution of the 1959 Newns Commission was the introduction of a Westminster organizational model which is more compatible with a ministerial framework. The Newns Commission recommended the grafting of the ministerial structures on the colonial departmental structure. This new arrangement, for instance, created the position of the permanent secretary on whom the minister could depend on all decisional and administrative matters, especially those bordering on specific technical needs that require liaising with the professional heads of departments.
Unfortunately, however, this wholesale transplantation of the Westminster model—the most significant underlying structural arrangement of the Nigerian civil service system till date—has constantly frustrated almost all reform intentions and implementation because it failed to take the peculiarity of the Nigerian context into consideration. The cadre system created a subsisting conflict between the generalists and the specialists, and this inevitably led to the tension that subverted service delivery efficiency in the departments. Within this system, key operational tasks are undertaken by generalist officers who have no expertise in the area. And this leaves the system weakened in terms of the urgent need for a specialist section with requisite professional qualification that matches competence with specific job and task . To cite a rather critical example, a very large proportion of the workforce at the Federal Civil Service Commission is made up of a pool of generalist-officers who are without sufficient knowledge and expertise that could enable them deploy fundamental concepts and models in the field of HRM and public administration to bring professionalism to bear on their jobs. And this leaves a significant gap in terms of professionally trained and certified HR practitioners that are trained to take on specialized functions and tasks.
Working under the influence of the Fulton Report of 1968, the Udoji Commission report made a valiant effort to dislodge the cult of generalists by recommending—under the burden of performance management, central to the managerial revolution sweeping public administration—the infusion of the public service with new professionals and specialists whose competences can be contracted to specific performance tasks within a result-oriented management system. The fundamental dimensions of the Udoji Report dealing with managerial dynamics were not implemented, unfortunately.
The generalist-specialist controversy is not unique to public administration. It pervades the entirety of the managerial structure of both the public and private management, as well as executive government. And this is because it impinges on workplace efficiency and performance management. Within public administration, government organizations possess a strong preference for recruiting public officers with broad-based and multidisciplinary knowledge over those public officers—the specialists—with professional expertise and competences in specific fields and areas. This “cult of generalists” derives from a general belief in management and administration that a generalist approach is superior for managing complex policy issues and navigating diverse government functions, even when highly technical knowledge might be required.
In the private sector, the concern is not different. The workplace of the twenty-first century is leaning more in the direction of multidimensional expertise—a sort of Jack-of-all-trade. Indeed, there is the argument that generalists provide “marginal value”—the extra value that people are willing to pay, far above the value that specialists create. And this is because generalists appeal more to the general population, and specifically the general managerial requirement of any institution or organization.
In both the public and the private sectors, the general manager is denoted by six fundamental tasks: (a) shaping and reshaping the workplace and its many environments, like dictating the performance standard, business concepts and personnel values; (b) designing strategic vision and mission; (c) strategically putting the available resources together; (d) attracting and harnessing the high performing managers and staff; (e) dealing with structural, institutional and organizational dynamics, decisions, and problems that anticipate future challenges; (f) supervising day-to-day operations and implementation of organizational decisions.
I suspect, however, that no matter the acclamation for a generalist orientation in the public and private sectors, or even the argument for the specialists in government, arguing for either of them is in bad taste. Every organization or institution requires both. It is as simple as that. The reality of effective managerial presence in the public service requires that the generalist and the specialist possess a bit of competences required in the other’s domain, and this involves a range of subsidiary skills, for instance in policy analysis and project management. For instance, there is no generalist that would have any justifiable excuse not to have some significant and specialist expertise aside from the general management skills. This is the core reason why core bureaucratic skills that were the competences of generalist administrators are now actively being professionalized. These include economists, planners, procurement, records management, financial management and accounting systems, human resources, organization, operations and management research and management research, knowledge and talent management, training administration, HR information system, ICT, policy research and analysis, statistics and data management, decision science, investment planning and promotion, project management, negotiation, crisis and conflict resolution, strategic planning, pension management, PPPs, and so on. And on the other hand, to be an efficient professional public manager and administrator demands some significant generalist competences not only in people management but also some core establishment issues, especially in the management of the policy process and strategic planning. Such a specialist public administrator must have significant experience and expertise in the management of the five Ms of management: men (HR), money (finance), methods (management techniques), machine (technology), and materials (inventory, stocks and procurement).
To offset the low efficiency and performance quotient of the system as well as the diminished managerial creativity of public officers, we need to insist, as a matter of regulatory gatekeeping, that every officer aspiring to top leadership positions in the civil service must acquire core specialist and generalist competency, and the system must see to it that officers are sufficiently rounded in these skills as part of professional development and leadership pipelining to top administrative level positions. This is a recognition of the fact that on the one hand, the civil service is not just an academic/intellectual space where candidates dazzle with erudition and breadth of intellectualism rather than getting things done which is the core of bureaucratic professionalism. And on the other hand, running the business of government demands a whole multidisciplinary and transdisciplinary cocktail menu of a mix of strategic, tactical and operational skills.
The reform programme and strategy that must undermine the fundamental structural bases of administrative and managerial operation in the Nigerian civil service system must factor this understanding of the generalist-specialist dynamics and relationship into consideration. Taking them as adversarial opposites will not work for reform.
.This article is re-published in light of the debate on the subject matter.
. Olaopa is a Professor of Public Administration, and the Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission.
Opinion
The Nastiness Of Nastiness
These are nasty times. Really nasty times we live in, and we will continue to live in – unless we hesitate not to say or affirm that the nastiness we tolerate should no longer be tolerated. Indeed, these are nasty times we live in, and which we should tolerate no longer. What the Glitterer is saying or implying or intending to imply has to do with the thesis, the main thesis, of “the nastiness of nastiness” – hammering. And what does the Glitterer want to hammer forthrightly in his desire, in his attempt, to help our people to get rid of their troubles and our troubles in these nasty times?
The intrigues and lies and actions and un-workable experiments of our politicians and leader-less leaders should no longer be justified and legitimized by our silent silence. The emotions of silence and of a people dominated by the dominance of euphoria-less euphoria should cease to shock us, and should no longer shock us. We must cease to accept the willingness to continue to live the tragedy of our country. And the tragedy comes in different forms, in different concrete forms.
There is the need for elaboration – or – clarification. But how comprehensive can this composer make it? The just concluded FIFA World Cup that Spain, via La Roja, has won after beating Argentina’s La Albiceleste in perhaps the most one-sided Final in the World Cup history tends to provide one answer to my ceaseless inquiry. In what ways are the current Spanish and Argentine footballers better than our current Super Eagles players who could not – and did not – take Nigeria to the 2026 FIFA World Cup? Four years earlier our country’s players did not land our country in Qatar which Qatar hosted from November 20 to December 18, 2022. The state of mind of the people – and of our leaderless leaders, who are responsible for more than just their personal conduct – is tragically our collective bane. In other words, the collective bane of our society is the tragic mindset of the people and our leaderless leaders, who fail to take responsibility beyond their personal conduct. What the Glitterer is at pains to elaborate and clarify formally and philosophically is this: We are collectively doomed by the tragic mentalities of both the general public and the leaderless leaders responsible for matters far beyond their private conduct.
There is seemingly no true patriot in charge of our human affairs in our current times of nastiness. Your country my country our country is unquestionably held up by the low percentage of reason or of positive intelligence which seems to operate in our human affairs. Everybody in government at all levels is an egoist who never attempts to move out of their thrones of egoism to establish a genuine and viable order or at any rate conceivable on the scale we want for Nigeria that should remain our Nigeria where we should behold several persons and people who possess the expected vision to take us to paradise here on earth. To put this another way, the gleaner-glimpser-glitterer means that our government officials are self-absorbed and refuse to yield power or ego to collaboratively build a functioning society-wide order. Instead of establishing a genuinely envisioned, prosperous, just society, they fail to act as the just, visionary leaders the country desperately needs. All kinds of propaganda are manufactured against all those who hold contrary views and are in opposition to those in power. Inconvenient truths and areas which the egotists in power detest and oppose in our democracy-less democracy are severely attacked. Those in power at all levels deliberately refuse to accept that ours is a diverse society where none should be crucified for an idea whatever the idea maybe, so long as the idea does not go against the struggle for individual rights not unknown to our laws and constitution. This is indisputably an epic subject. There will always be persons who do not – and will never – give up what is correct. They will always resist the “struggle not to sign the dotted line for the opposition”.
Nigeria is a beautiful country, a diverse, beautiful country, which the nastiness of our contemporary times should not destroy. Nobody should split the baby. But where is Solomon? The light of Nigeria should – and must – defeat and destroy the sub-consciousness of the egotists. This is an epic subject, this composer reiterates. Deliberately, the composer is refraining from citing examples from his Niger Delta terrain and other parts of the country to oil pointedly his observations, which are not unknown to the generality of our people. The issues he has raised (with deliberately withheld illustrations) are vital to how we should move forward and ahead as a country and a nation of civilized people who want to live and remain civilized despite the current tragic nastiness of (the) nastiness of our country from Warri to Maiduguri and beyond. We must keep on fighting for constitutional and visionary points to save Nigeria our country from perpetual ruin. This is an epic subject. It is time to expect the unexpected visit of the unexpected. Or is it not? Or?
Opinion
Even Messi Needed Trophies: Nigerians Demand Results, Not Dribbling
From a general observation, comparisons are powerful political tools. They simplify complex realities, inspire supporters and shape public perception. Another side of this is that they can also become misleading when symbolism replaces substance.
The latter appears to be the objective behind two recent interventions in defence of his excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Respectfully, it was observed that veteran journalist Martin Oloja likened Tinubu’s political journey to that of football icon Lionel Messi. He portrayed him as a resilient strategist whose patience and tactical brilliance eventually produced victory. As this now appears to be a trend, Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma further elevated the narrative, comparing Tinubu to Singapore’s founding Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew. He didn’t stop at that; rather he further argued that today’s painful reforms would eventually transform Nigeria just as Lee transformed Singapore. They are compelling analogies.
Unfortunately, it was observed that both began to unravel once governance, not politics, was used as the standard of measurement.
It is a known fact to the world that Lionel Messi is celebrated not because he endured criticism or finally lifted the World Cup after years of disappointment. He is celebrated because his greatness is measurable. His goals are counted. His assists are recorded. His trophies are displayed and not just that, his records speak louder than the opinions of his admirers, which may have taken a different turn now after the outcome of the 2026 FIFA World Cup.
The same is also true of Lee Kuan Yew. History has shown that he is not revered because he introduced difficult reforms or enjoyed the support of loyal political allies. Governor Hope should be reminded that Lee is remembered because he fundamentally transformed Singapore. Amongst his achievements were transforming a poor trading port into one of the world’s richest, cleanest, safest and most efficiently governed nations.
Lee’s records speak for him because under his leadership, Singapore built world-class infrastructure, an incorruptible public service, globally competitive education, affordable housing, investor confidence and one of the highest standards of living anywhere in the world.
Neither Messi nor Lee Kuan Yew became legends through carefully crafted narratives. No, they became legends because the evidence became impossible to dispute. That is precisely where comparisons with President Tinubu become difficult.
It is an error to assume that winning elections is the same as winning governance and at the same time, political brilliance may secure power, but only effective leadership secures history’s approval.
For millions of Nigerians, governance is not measured by campaign strategy or political resilience. It is measured by the realities they confront every morning.
Can they afford food? Can they pay transport fares? Can they pay rent in the current landlords’ economy? Can they keep their businesses open? Can they sleep or travel freely without fear of kidnapping? Can they find jobs after graduation? Can they access reliable electricity and healthcare? These are the scoreboards by which governments are judged.
Supporters of the Tinubu administration frequently point to encouraging macroeconomic indicators. Foreign reserves have improved. Government revenues have risen. States now receive significantly larger allocations through the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC). Well, these ‘achievements’ will be reviewed soon through the lens of news narratives. International financial institutions have welcomed several policy reforms. The removal of fuel subsidy and exchange-rate liberalisation are presented as courageous decisions that previous administrations avoided.
These developments deserve acknowledgement. Yet macroeconomic improvements are not the same as improvements in citizens’ welfare.
In reality, an economy cannot be declared successful merely because government revenues have increased while household purchasing power continues to deteriorate, as this would be a complete aberration.
Again, it is considered an anomaly that Nigeria reports stronger fiscal numbers, but millions of families continue to struggle with soaring food prices, rising transport costs, expensive housing, high electricity tariffs and shrinking disposable incomes.
Statistics may comfort policymakers. They rarely comfort hungry citizens. Messi never celebrated possession statistics after losing a match; rather, he cried and cried over losing the opportunity of winning the trophy at the concluded 2026 FIFA World Cup. To him, results mattered.
The reality is that governments should be judged by the same principle. This is open to dispute, but of a truth, Governor Uzodimma’s comparison to Lee Kuan Yew deserves even closer scrutiny because it raises an important question, though it may appear hard to answer.
If Tinubu is Nigeria’s Lee Kuan Yew, where is Nigeria’s Singapore? What exactly made Lee Kuan Yew exceptional? Was it simply his willingness to implement painful reforms? Certainly not.
Many leaders across the developing world have introduced painful reforms. Very few transformed their countries
One thing stands out here: Lee’s legacy rests on outcomes, not intentions. Judging from all indications, it is obvious that his reforms dramatically reduced corruption, attracted investment, strengthened institutions, expanded industrialisation, improved education, guaranteed affordable public housing and steadily raised incomes across generations.
Unlike Nigeria’s ongoing experience, Singapore’s rise was not a promise repeatedly postponed to the future. Citizens experienced tangible improvements in their daily lives. That is why history celebrates Lee Kuan Yew. Nigeria’s present reality tells a different story.
It is glaring and ironic that despite improved fiscal revenues, many Nigerians continue to grapple with rising inflation, worsening poverty, declining purchasing power, youth unemployment, struggling businesses and persistent insecurity. If they must know, these are not merely economic statistics; they are the lived realities by which citizens judge any government.
The Lee Kuan Yew comparison also overlooks perhaps the most important ingredient behind Singapore’s success, which is primarily the institutions.
It is obvious and practically doubtful if Governor Uzodinma’s kind of Singapore is the same as the one on which its transformation was built upon an efficient bureaucracy, disciplined public institutions, predictable regulation, meritocracy, uncompromising anti-corruption enforcement and consistent long-term planning as championed by Lee Kuan Yew. An honest question here is, can the same be said of Nigeria today?
The truth is not far-fetched; Nigeria is nothing close to it because the realities and lived experiences of Nigerians are that the country continues to grapple with weak institutions, policy inconsistency, bureaucratic inefficiency, corruption concerns and widespread insecurity.
His impeccable achievements are built on the institutions; hence, without institutional transformation, every effort to invoke Lee Kuan Yew risks confusing aspiration with achievement.
One common trend witnessed lately is that the supporters of the administration often argue that Nigerians must be patient because meaningful reforms require time. That argument deserves consideration.
Let it also be made known that patience should never become an endless substitute for accountability. Citizens are also entitled to ask whether the sacrifices demanded today are producing measurable improvements tomorrow.
History remembers leaders not because they prescribed hardship, but because that hardship ultimately produced prosperity for those alive and not for the dead.
Another weakness in both comparisons is the tendency to confuse political mastery with administrative excellence. These are totally two different things, because when it comes to winning elections, it requires coalition building, negotiation and political calculation whilst running a nation demands competent institutions, sound economic management, transparency, public trust and measurable improvements in living standards.
Again, the two are not the same, and for this reason, many exceptional politicians have governed poorly. Many successful administrators never became political giants. Democracy ultimately rewards governance, not political mythology.
This is not to suggest that President Tinubu’s administration has achieved nothing. Tax reforms, infrastructure investments, fiscal restructuring and efforts to stabilise public finances represent important policy initiatives whose long-term impact remains to be seen. Well, acknowledging those initiatives is consistent with honest public discourse.
Equally important, however, is recognising that millions of Nigerians continue to judge the administration through the realities and their lived experiences rather than the promises they hear.
Football supporters judged Lionel Messi by the trophies in the cabinet. In like manner, history judges Lee Kuan Yew by the Singapore he built. The same measure should be applied in this nation, as Nigerians will judge President Tinubu by the Nigeria he leaves behind.
The key metric here is that if inflation falls sustainably, poverty declines significantly, insecurity is substantially reduced, electricity becomes more reliable, industries expand, jobs multiply and citizens regain confidence in the future, history will acknowledge those achievements without requiring comparisons with Messi or Lee Kuan Yew.
Neither Messi nor Lee Kuan Yew needed political allies to persuade the world of their greatness and that distinguishes both as the greatest of all time (GOAT).
Their records spoke for themselves. Political endorsements may dominate today’s headlines. History, however, listens only to evidence. Even Messi needed trophies. Lee Kuan Yew needed results. Nigerian leaders should be judged by no lesser standard.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached
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